Why jains are wealthy




















Bihar is the poorest. Conducted over 6 lakh Indian households in , it also reveals poverty as a largely rural phenomenon. Read on for more. The NFHS-4 report uses a wealth index, based on scores on ownership of consumer goods and household characteristics, such as availability of basic facilities like clean drinking water. It then uses this information to classify all households into wealth quintiles.

Goa follows next with With more than half of its households in the bottom quintile, Bihar scores the lowest. First, it's worth distinguishing morality from ethics. Morality is a doctrine or dogma held to be universal across a sociological grouping of people. Ethics is how you behave to other people and treat them, and how others behave towards to you. Ethics is real time and interactive. The Christian church taught that wealth was inimical to salvation - Deo placere vix potest as canon law had it.

How merchants actually treated one another was a matter of convention slowly codified into mercantile law. Trust, honesty and fair play were as much attributes of long-term business reputation as Christian virtues. Signatories to a bill of exchange, which provided the credit and currency exchange for the long distance trade in goods, had perforce to be reliable.

The same sort of logic applied within Jaina commerce. Family based firms derived social and economic credit from their religious standing within the community. When Max Weber visited the United States in he was delighted to find that members of a Baptist community would attend the religious ceremony of baptism from a Jaina perspective, the peculiarity of wanting to be born again for the purpose of finding business partners whose credit would be underwritten by membership of the sect.

They were vouched for, not so much by a moral god, as by the closed or selective community. The argument therefore is that the conceptualization of "religion and capitalism" is simply too intellectual and abstract and that, instead, investigation has to proceed on the ground of social reality. Lay believers are not expected to grasp the intricacies of theology, and the issue then becomes how the nature of a religion is translated into everyday conduct.

Weber titled his book the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, because he was investigating how working men - the weavers of Kidderminster for example - were instructed how to lead their lives. The survival of religion and the valency of its morality are only as good to the extent they are integrated into everyday maxims of behaviour.

The impersonality of modern capitalism undercuts this possibility, but this is not the case within contemporary Jaina business community where personal business relationships are favoured. Jaina business ethics are not scaleable upwards to the immensity of the impersonal market. The face to face market situation is a consociation, whereas in the large market one party to a transaction has only eyes for the transaction itself and its price. The other party is unseen and unknown, and there can be no basis for the ethics of brotherliness or any other sympathy for another human being.

Rational calculation of profit and self- and company-interest is the cardinal rule and morality stands outside the market. Morality could obtain within the market if all participants abided by that morality. Evidently that is not the case today and has not been since the secularization of entrepreneurs from the eighteenth century onwards.

I leave aside the morally bogus argument that market outcomes deliver the best of all possible worlds, an entirely profane application of Leibniz's theodicy. Peter Ghosh in the recently published Oxford Handbook of Max Weber argues that universal moralities, like Kantianism and Christianity, are replaced by professional ethics. Weber saw Puritan ethics migrating into the upbringing, training, and habitus of the professional - whether in business, science, medicine, politics and even the church; an inherent code on how to behave.

The report then uses these quintile scores to classify population for states, religious and caste groups and rural-urban areas into each quintile. The report shows that poverty is predominantly a rural phenomenon in India. Bihar is the poorest with more than half of the households in the bottom wealth quintile.

Upper castes have almost double the share of households in the top quintile compared to any other caste group. Scheduled Tribes are the worst-off section in terms of wealth.

High levels of income and wealth inequality are a matter of great concern in India. NFHS-4 statistics on disparity in wealth-holdings across various categories tell us that there cannot be a one size fits all policy if the government is serious about addressing this problem.

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